Distinguished members of the Council of Anglo-Somali Society,
Distinguished members of the Society,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am extremely happy to be here today among old and young friends of Somalia and the brothers and sisters of the Somali peninsula. It is a great honour for me to share with you my views on the role of the Banaadir Community in the Somali Society.
I wish, first and foremost, to express my deep appreciation for your efforts in maintaining and promoting, through this noble Society, the old relationship that exists between our two peoples.
Although I have seen a great deal of evolution of the Somali Society, I cannot claim that I know more than you as the founding members of the society had firsthand experience in both the Northern and the Southern regions during the British Administration.
Today, my talk will concentrate only on the role of the people known as Reer Banaadir or people of the coastal regions of Southern Somalia. In order not to take much of your precious time and to free the floor for other eminent speakers, I will only deal with the recent history of Somalia, which, I believe, is more relevant to the situation which we are facing today and the role the Banaadiris played in the political, religious and cultural lives of Somali Society.
Dear Friends.
The political history of the Southern Somalia, known as Somalia Italiana, began only after 1941, when Britain defeated the Fascist Italian regime. To be more precise, the real political life began when the people of Mogadishu, the capital of Banaadir region, for the first time, had the opportunity to have their own associations; something that was unimaginable during the sixty years of the fascist occupation of the territory.
Generally, those who do not know their history erroneously regarded the Banaadiris as a group of unimportant artisans or passive people, hardly capable of political activities, let alone associating them with the founding of the territory's first association or the leaders of the movement, which eventually became the ruling party of the Independent Republic of Somalia. In my talk I will try to correct this impression and present things in their proper perspective.
I wish also to emphasise that those who suffered most under the Italian Fascist regime in Somalia, were the people of Banaadir region, whose economically vital lands were usurped, exploited and who themselves were enslaved. They were the ones who felt liberated by the change. Soon after the defeat of the Italian Fascist regime in Somalia and realising that the new administration had brought about a new era of political openness, a group of young Banaadiris thought that the time had finally come to have an organisation through which the people could freely express their views on their destiny, either to the new British administration or to the international community when an opportunity presented itself.
Only two years after the British takeover, on March 3, 1941, this group of Banaadiris embarked on something that had not been known to the history of the region for decades, i.e. freedom of association and assembly.
I came to know that, that freedom was limited only to the formation of social organisations, which had no political connotation, but the Banaadiris considered this as a positive beginning and highly significant step towards the achievement of more meaningful political freedom.
On 15 April 1943, the Banaadiris established the Hamar Youth Club (HYC) in Hamar Weyne (Greater Mogadishu) quarter. Although its name sounded like a regional or social club, the movement's statute and activities had national characters and aimed at advocating freedom and independence for all Somali territories, including those occupied by other foreign powers. The “Club”, which was the first ever political movement, disguised as a social club in the Southern Regions of Somalia, had an insignia consisting of a crescent and the minaret of Hamar Weyne Jama Mosque standing from one point of the crescent to the other with a five pointed star on the top of the minaret. It also had a blue colour flag.
A month later, some of the same founders of the HYC together with other members of non-Benadir groups established another organisation, the Somali Youth Club, SYC, on 15 May 1943. The latter had an insignia consisting of a crescent with clubs, known to the Somalis as “Karaawil” in the centre of the crescent. The colour of its flag was red. The founders of SYC were 13 members, six of whom were reer Banaadir; other seven were from two of the so-called major groups. Abdulkadir Saqawoddiin, a Banaadiri politician and one of the founders of the SYC, became its first President. Haji Mohamed Hussein, also a Banaadiri became Vice President.
A few years later, when the SYC wanted to change its name from Somali Youth Club, to Somali Youth League or SYL, and applied for registration, the administration rejected the application because of the colour of its flag. It stated that unless the club changed the red colour of the flag, which the administration described it as communist symbol, no approval would be granted. Again, the HYC, which closely cooperated and had the same political principles with the SYC, came to the rescue of the latter and saved it from being closed down by the British Administration.
When the news of the refusal of the British administration to register the SYL because of the colour of its flag came about, the Central Committee of the HYC met in an emergency session and came to the conclusion that the blue flag of the HYC should be joined together with the red flag of SYL to make the latter's flag, half blue and half red. With that change, the administration approved the registration of the Somali Youth League.
In 1948, when representatives of the two organizations met with the United Nations Commission for Investigation that visited Mogadishu to ascertain the views of Somali political parties on the future status of the country, both the HYC and the SYL presented an identical proposal.
The commission reported:
“The Somali Youth league and Hamar Youth Club – The representatives denounced the so-called Bevin-Sforza Agreement and asked for immediate independence. They expressed a willingness to accept a United Nations Trusteeship for an interim (period) of short duration but were opposed to any form of foreign rule, particularly Italian administration”. (Yearbook of the United Nations – 1948-49).
Here I wish to point out how important was the role of the Benaadiris in the political life of the Somali Society. Haji Mohiddin Haji Ali, a Benaadiri, led the HYC delegation that met the UN Commission and the SYL delegation was led by Haji Mohamed Hussein, who was at that time President of the League, also a Benaadiri.
In 1949, when the United Nations adopted Resolution 289A, November 21, 1949 that placed former Italian Somaliland under international trusteeship with Italy as the administering authority, it must have been a great disappointment for those who had so strongly opposed Italy's return to Somalia.
After taking over power in 1950, Italy, this time under the umbrella of the United Nations, embarked on creating supporters for itself within the SYL to counter those members in the party who had opposed the return of Italy to Somalia. The authority, known as AFIS (Amministrazione Fiduciaria Italiana della Somalia) worked to undermine also the HYC's influence in the Somali politics.
In the territory's first so-called “election” in 1956 for the establishment of a 70 member legislative assembly, out of ten parties that participated in it, the SYL, the favourite of the AFIS, “won” 43 out of sixty seats allotted to the Somalis, Hizbia Digil and Mirifle (HDM) “won” 13 and two other parties “won” 3 and 1 respectively. The remaining 10 seats were reserved for the Indians, the Arabs and other non-Somali representatives. The Benaadiris paid the price for their opposition to Italy's return. It was clear that they were eliminated from the political scene, as they did not “win” even the Mogadishu seat. According to Tripod.com website “this was an election where there were no registered voters and total valid votes were 614904; the number for the invalid/blank votes was not available.”
Interesting enough, in a country where 80% of the population were nomads or illiterate, there were no invalid/blank votes. Of course, we can imagine how easy it was in the 50s, when the masses could hardly understand or even know what elections were, to manipulate results in favour of the desired party or just stuff duly-filled-in ballots in the boxes when, in 20th or 21st century, similar things, which in today's language is called “elections rigging” is still practiced in big or small countries, where most of the people are supposed to be literate.
The AFIS also took its revenge against the Banaadiris by appointing a non-reer Banaadir as the District Commissioner (DC) of Mogadishu in 1956. As they had no power to change the situation, the Banaadiris could only express their anger through poetry, proverbs and songs, orally spread, or on the theatre stages.
When they see someone achieve something by favouritism, they say:
“Gurbaan gacalkaa hakuu haayo, ama garabkaa ha kuugu jiro” [Gurdbaan is drum in Banaadiri dialect. It is also said “Durbaan”]
(To have a good tune], A drum should either be played for you by your loved ones or good friends, or it should be on your own shoulder [play it yourself)
When his aides told the District Commissioner that the Banaadiris use foul language against the administration in songs on the stages, he issued the first-ever censorship decree on the Banaadiri shows. He decreed that before staging any show, it must be first privately staged for the Commissioner or his representative. When they were ready to stage a show, the Banaadiri artists informed the DC's office that they would present a show. He came personally to see it and listen to the songs. He had his secretary with him with a note book. The following song was dedicated to him and his appointment as Commissioner of Mogadishu. A girl was used for the city and a “camel” for the Commissioner. It sounded like a love song.
This is the song:
Talking to the city:
Garmii, garmiyaa, sidaan ley galee?
Guule iisoo gargaare, garabkey galee;
Geeriya iiga roon
Guursigaadoon gefee;
Gardarraa ley galee, waa gubtee;
MA GUURA GOD MIYAAN KAA GALAA,
Geel maxaas kuu gartaa gar makuu goy karee;
Geedba geeda ka weyn gaawo ii soo go';
Ma gartee gar la gooyo gambar loo koro;
Gardarraa leey galee waa gubte!
MA GUURA GOD MIYAAN KAA GALAA,
Rough translation:
Is it just, the way I have been treated?
Oh Allah help me and come on my side;
Death is better for me than missing your marriage;
I have been treated unjustly; I am burned;
SHALL I LEAVE YOU AND GO TO THE GRAVE?
What does a camel know; it cannot make for you justice!
A tree is bigger than the other – Gaawo, come on my side;
It wouldn't know to make justice and to sit on chair for it;
I have been treated unjustly; I have been burned!
SHALL I LEAVE YOU AND GO TO THE GRAVE?
He gave permission for the show to go ahead. But after a month or so the Commissioner was told that the song was against him. He ordered the show to be stopped with immediate effect. But the message had gone through.
In the meantime, the AFIS, using some members of the SYL who were with it, was busy looking for ways to depose Haji Mohamed Hussein from his post as the President of the Somali Youth League. But to their dismay, he was again elected President of the League in 1957, while he was in Cairo, Egypt. If he had stayed in the League as President until July 1, 1960, surely an anti-Italian Banaadiri politician would have been the first President of the independent Somali Republic. AFIS had to stop that from happening before it was too late. Of course, those who danced to its tune within the League were used to vote him and his supporters out of the League, making sure that someone who had the country and the nation close to his heart would not become the President of the Republic.
As the Republic was born on 1 July 1960 out of intrigues, betrayal, lack of honesty and sense of nationalism it did not give birth to an administration that had national interest at heart. Corruption, malpractices and nepotism became rampant and led the country to earn the title of “The Grave of Foreign Aid”.
A common Somali proverb says: “Hal booli ah Nirig Xalaal ah ma dhasho” (An illegitimate cow, does not give birth to a legitimate calf).
And the Banaadiri proverb says: “Khiyaano qofkiis ma liibaano, asigay ku qaloocataa”. (A conspirator will not succeed. It [the conspiracy] will turn against him).
The government was toppled by the Army in a military coup in 1969.
THE RELIGIOUS ROLE OF BANAADIR
In Somali Society, the role of the Banaadiris in religion is well known to all. Like all the Somalis all the Banaadiris are Sunni and Shafi'i. There are nearly 20 highly venerated Shaikhs in the region. Shaikh Abdurahman Sufi, known as Shaikh Suufi, Shaikh Ahmed Haji, Shaikh Aweys Al-qaadiri, Shaikh Baa Hassan, Shaikh Aw Osman, Shaikh Ali Maye, Shaikh Muhiddin Ma'allim Mukarram, Shaikh Qaasim al-Barawi, just to mention some of them. Many people, both reer Banaadir and non-Banaadiris, pay their respect each year to these and others who are not mentioned here.
Until recently, among the living and highly respected religious persons of the Banaadiris, there was Shaikh Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud (Shaikh Abba) of Hamar Weyne. I am sure some of you met him personally or heard of him. With profound sorrow, I wish to inform those who have not heard the news that Shaikh Abba passed away on 17 August 2008 after a few days of illness at the age of 74.
THE CULTURAL INFLUENCES OF BANAADIRIS
When Ibn Battuta visited Mogadishu around mid-January 1330, he said “In this place are manufactured the woven fabrics called after it, which are unequalled and exported from it to Egypt and elsewhere.” These fabrics must be what we call now “Maro Aliindi”, or “Maro Banaadir” The Italians, in the past, called it Banaadir cloth.
Two objects of Banaadiri origin have become things of national pride: The Banaadiri cloth that sometimes is also called “Maro Allindi,” and the Brava cap or Koofiyo Baraawa. Even if a person is able to buy expensive cloths, some Somali women prefer to go to important functions like weddings, with Banaadir cloth and a shaash, special head cover, to show others that Somalis have their own national attire. The female artists of the famous Waberi Folklore Troupe used this attire in all their national and international performances. The main places of production of the fabrics are Mogadishu, Gendershe and Gilib Merka. Another important item which is used by men including the Somali Heads of State and officials of the government, as well as most of the general public, is the cap which is known as Koofiyo Baraawa, Brava cap. It is handmade. It is called after the town of Brava as it is made there and by the people of Brava. Any high ranking official, or officer in civilian dress, would wear Koofi Baraawa in official visits abroad or at home during important celebration like the two Eids – Eid al Fitr and Eid al Adha. Most of the people wear it on Friday for the collective prayers. It has become the symbol of Somalism.
Unlike other groups, the Banaadiris have no complex in doing any kind of job. They are barbers and butchers; they are farmers and fishermen; they are shoemakers and tailors just to mention a few professions.
THE ROLE OF BANAADIRIS IN EDUCATION
After the British take-over of the former Italian Somaliland, the Banaadiris established their own private school in Mogadishu, more precisely in Hamar Wayne. It started in a single room in a house owned by a member of the community. The school's name was Madrasa As-Sa'ada (MS), called after the house of Shaikh Suufi. That was the first ever private school in the territory. When the AFIS came to the territory it became part of the government schools.
Distinguished chairperson and members of the Society.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Banaadiris are people with culture and tradition. They are peace-loving people who value and appreciate life. They are urban people and to them violence is an alien culture. They say, “Cay Ribax, Is diloow, Khasaaro” (Verbal abuse is profit; Killing each other is loss). Unfortunately, since the collapse of the military regime in 1991, those who claimed to be liberating the country from dictatorship, made the innocent and the unarmed communities, mainly reer Banaadir, their primary target. They are the ones who suffered most in the last two decades of political crisis in the country. Despite all that happened to them, the Banaadiris keep praying for the return of peace and stability to the motherland.
These, in brief, are some aspects of the role of the Banaadiris in the Somali Society. In early days, they have been victimised for opposing the re-colonisation of Somalia and again they are the victims of the violence and turmoil which have engulfed the country for the last two decades. The Banaadiris are proud of having been part of the Somali history. They are part and parcel of the Somali society and will always play their positive role in the best interest of all, with the motto: let us live in unity in diversity.
Chairperson and ladies and gentlemen,
I, once again, thank you for giving me this opportunity to share my thoughts with you and for your kind attention.
|
